Joint Venture is a separate unit which involves two or more active participants as partners. Sometimes also referred to as strategic alliances, which include a variety of partners, including nonprofit organizations, businesses and public sector. According to Peter Mahmud joint venture is a contract between two companies to form a new company, the new company is called joint venture. Meanwhile, according to Erman Rajagukguk understanding is a collaboration between the owners of foreign capital with the owner of the national capital under the agreement, so the sense is more skewed in the joint venture that is international. Both the sense that it has a joint venture agreement is an agreement, it must meet the legal conditions of the agreement under the provisions of Article 1320 Civil Code. But in a joint venture arrangement is outside the Civil Code, because joint ventures are included in the agreement that are not named and is not regulated in the Civil Code.
Based on the understanding of the two figures above, we can know the elements contained in the joint venture are:
a. cooperation between national and foreign capital owners
b. form a new company between foreign and national entrepreneurs
c. based on contractual or treaty
But not all enterprises must set up a joint venture between the owners of foreign capital with the owner of the national capital. Types of joint venture agreements, among others:
a. Domestic joint venture
Domestic joint venture established between companies located in the country.
b. International joint venture
International joint venture was established in Indonesia by the two companies where one of them foreign companies.
There are two (2) the specific nature of foreign investment, according to Robert Gilpin, namely:
a. Multi / trans-national (PMN / PTN) make direct investments in foreign countries (foreign direct investment, "FDI"), through the establishment of subsidiaries or branches of companies or takeover of a foreign company, with the goal of supervising the management of a production unit in a foreign country, which is different from investment fortofolio purchase shares in a company.
b. A PMN marked by a parent company and a group of subsidiary or branch companies in different countries with a single container along with the resources management, finance and engineering with vertical integration and sentralisai decision. Judging from the countries involved in PMN, then there are 2 (two) countries linked the country of origin of investment (home state) with the host country (host state) or state that is central to PMN (home country) with another country which is where companies conducts operations or kegiatanya (host country).
According to Erman Rajagukguk understanding of the above joint venture should have its foreign element, it is important we also review our understanding of foreign investment. Definition of foreign investment according to Article 1 of Law No. 1 / 1967 "The definition of foreign investment in this Act only covers direct foreign investment undertaken by or under the provisions of this Act and who used to run the company in Indonesia, in the sense of direct capital owners bear the risk of the investor. "In order to attract foreign investment to Indonesia in general involves three things: that there are opportunities in the economic, legal certainty and political stability. Basically, the joint venture company established on the existence of agreements between foreign and national investors. Sarna employment agreement contains rights and obligations of the parties. The position of the parties in the management determined based on the percentage ownership of company shares. Percentage of shares between foreign and national investors are usually not the same. In general, national investors are minority shareholders, while foreign investors are the majority. This causes the majority shareholders tend to master the management of joint venture companies.
As for the conditions to attract foreign capital are:
a. Terms of economic benefits (economic opportunity)
Namely the existence of economic opportunities for investors, such as close to natural resources, availability of raw materials, availability of locations to establish the plant, availability of labor and the prospective market.
b. Terms of Rule of Law (legal certainity)
Governments must be able to enforce the law and provide security guarantees. Application of regulations and policies, especially the consistency of law enforcement and security and improve the judicial and legal system is a very important requirement in order to attract investors.
c. Terms political stability (political stability)
Foreign investment in a country heavily influenced by the factor of political stability (political stability). The conflict between the political elite or in masyaratkat will affect the investment climate. In addition, not solid socio-political conditions have a significant influence on investment flows.
Capital investment to provide benefits to all parties, not only for investors but also for the economy of the country where capital is invested and for the country of origin of the investors. The government determines the areas of business that require capital investment by various regulations. In addition, the government also determines the amount of capital and the comparison between the national capital and foreign capital. This is done so that such investments can be directed to a goal to be achieved. Not the danger is often a country is unable to determine freely its economic policy, because of the influence and interference of foreign governments.
This is because due to limited capital, skills and technologies owned by our country, and the many countries that require the presence of foreign investors to invest in his country. The government can not just rely on tax revenues, results of oil and non-oil exports, domestic savings and foreign aid. If only rely on these sources, the Indonesian economic growth rate will not increase, for that's needed foreign investment. Indonesia needs foreign capital because:
a. To provide employment;
b. Implement import substitution to boost foreign exchange;
c. Encouraging export to earn foreign exchange;
d. Building lagging regions and infrastructure;
e. For industrialization or technology transfer.
Foreign investment is expected as one source of financing in the construction of infrastructure such as ports, telecommunications, air transportation, drinking water, electricity, clean water, roads, railroads. Foreign investment is needed to develop the technology and the improvement of science, therefore, required substantial funds.
Jumat, 24 Desember 2010
Selasa, 12 Oktober 2010
market
The study of actual existing markets made up of persons interacting in space and place in diverse ways is widely seen as an antidote to abstract and all-encompassing concepts of “the market” and has historical precedent in the works of Fernand Braudel and Karl Polanyi. The latter term is now generally used in two ways. First, to denote the abstract mechanisms whereby supply and demand confront each other and deals are made. In its place, reference to markets reflects ordinary experience and the places, processes and institutions in which exchanges occurs.[2] Second, the market is often used to signify an integrated, all-encompassing and cohesive capitalist world economy. A widespread trend in economic history and sociology is skeptical of the idea that it is possible to develop a theory to capture an essence or unifying thread to markets.[3] For economic geographers, reference to regional, local, or commodity specific markets can serve to undermine assumptions of global integration, and highlight geographic variations in the structures, institutions, histories, path dependencies, forms of interaction and modes of self-understanding of agents in different spheres of market exchange.[4] Reference to actual markets can show capitalism not as a totalizing force or completely encompassing mode of economic activity, but rather as "a set of economic practices scattered over a landscape, rather than a systemic concentration of power".[5]
Wetherby town’s market.
C. B. Macpherson identifies an underlying model of the market underlying Anglo-American liberal-democratic political economy and philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: Persons are cast as self-interested individuals, who enter into contractual relations with other such individuals, concerning the exchange of goods or personal capacities cast as commodities, with the motive of maximizing pecuniary interest. The state and its governance systems are cast as outside of this framework.[6] This model came to dominant economic thinking in the later nineteenth century, as economists such as Ricardo, Mill, Jevons, Walras and later neo-classical economics shifted from reference to geographically located marketplaces to an abstract "market".[7] This tradition is continued in contemporary neoliberalism, where the market is held up as optimal for wealth creation and human freedom, and the states’ role imagined as minimal, reduced to that of upholding and keeping stable property rights, contract, and money supply. This allowed for boilerplate economic and institutional restructuring under structural adjustment and post-Communist reconstruction.[8]
Similar formalism occurs in a wide variety of social democratic and Marxist discourses that situate political action as antagonistic to the market. In particular, commodification theorists such as Georg Lukács insist that market relations necessarily lead to undue exploitation of labour and so need to be opposed in toto.[9] Pierre Bourdieu has suggested the market model is becoming self-realizing, in virtue of its wide acceptance in national and international institutions through the 1990s.[10] The formalist conception faces a number of insuperable difficulties, concerning the putatively global scope of the market to cover the entire Earth, in terms of penetration of particular economies, and in terms of whether particular claims about the subjects (individuals with pecuniary interest), objects (commodities), and modes of exchange (transactions) apply to any actually existing markets.
A central theme of empirical analyses is the variation and proliferation of types of markets since the rise of capitalism and global scale economies. The Regulation School stresses the ways in which developed capitalist countries have implemented varying degrees and types of environmental, economic, and social regulation, taxation and public spending, fiscal policy and government provisioning of goods, all of which have transformed markets in uneven and geographical varied ways and created a variety of mixed economies. Drawing on concepts of institutional variance and path dependency, varieties of capitalism theorists (such as Hall and Soskice) identify two dominant modes of economic ordering in the developed capitalist countries, "coordinated market economies" such as Germany and Japan, and an Anglo-American "liberal market economies". However, such approaches imply that the Anglo-American liberal market economies in fact operate in a matter close to the abstract notion of "the market". While Anglo-American countries have seen increasing introduction of neo-liberal forms of economic ordering, this has not lead to simple convergence, but rather a variety of hybrid institutional orderings.[11] Rather, a variety of new markets have emerged, such as for carbon trading or rights to pollute. In some cases, such as emerging markets for water, different forms of privatization of different aspects of previously state run infrastructure have created hybrid private-public formations and graded degrees of commodification, commercialization and privatization.[12]
Problematic for market formalism is the relationship between formal capitalist economic processes and a variety of alternative forms, ranging from semi-feudal and peasant economies widely operative in many developing economies, to informal markets, barter systems, worker cooperatives, or illegal trades that occur in most developed countries. Practices of incorporation of non-Western peoples into global markets in the nineteenth and twentieth century did not merely result in the quashing of former social economic institutions. Rather, various modes of articulation arose between transformed and hybridized local traditions and social practices and the emergence world economy. So called capitalist markets in fact include and depend on a wide range of geographically situated economic practices that do not follow the market model. Economies are thus hybrids of market and non-market elements.[13]
Helpful here is J. K. Gibson-Graham’s complex topology of the diversity of contemporary market economies describing different types of transactions, labour, and economic agents. Transactions can occur in underground markets (such as for marijuana) or be artificially protected (such as for patents). They can cover the sale of public goods under privatization schemes to co-operative exchanges and occur under varying degrees of monopoly power and state regulation. Likewise, there are a wide variety of economic agents, which engage in different types of transactions on different terms: One cannot assume the practices of a religious kindergarten, multinational corporation, state enterprise, or community-based cooperative can be subsumed under the same logic of calculability (pp. 53–78). This emphasis on proliferation can also be contrasted with continuing scholarly attempts to show underlying cohesive and structural similarities to different markets.[14]
A prominent entry point for challenging the market model's applicability concerns exchange transactions and the homo economicus assumption of self-interest maximization. There are now a number of streams of economic sociological analysis of markets focusing on the role of the social in transactions, and the ways transactions involve social networks and relations of trust, cooperation and other bonds.[14] Economic geographers in turn draw attention to the ways in exchange transactions occur against the backdrop of institutional, social and geographic processes, including class relations, uneven development, and historically contingent path dependencies.[15] A useful schema is provided by Michel Callon's concept of framing: Each economic act or transaction occurs against, incorporates and also re-performs a geographically and cultural specific complex of social histories, institutional arrangements, rules and connections. These network relations are simultaneously bracketed, so that persons and transactions may be disentangled from thick social bonds. The character of calculability is imposed upon agents as they come to work in markets and are "formatted" as calculative agencies. Market exchanges contain a history of struggle and contestation that produced actors predisposed to exchange under certain sets of rules. As such market transactions can never be disembedded from social and geographic relations and there is no sense to talking of degrees of embeddedness and disembeddeness.[16]
An emerging theme worthy of further study is the interrelationship, interpenetrability and variations of concepts of persons, commodities, and modes of exchange under particular market formations. This is most pronounced in recent movement towards post-structuralist theorizing that draws on Foucault and Actor Network Theory and stress relational aspects of personhood, and dependence and integration into networks and practical systems. Commodity network approaches further both deconstruct and show alternatives to the market models concept of commodities. Here, both researchers and market actors are understood as reframing commodities in terms of processes and social and ecological relationships. Rather than a mere objectification of things traded, the complex network relationships of exchange in different markets calls on agents to alternatively deconstruct or “get with” the fetish of commodities.[17] Gibson-Graham thus read a variety of alternative markets, for fair trade and organic foods, or those using Local Exchange Trading Systems as not only contributing to proliferation, but also forging new modes of ethical exchange and economic subjectivities.
Most markets are regulated by state wide laws and regulations. While barter markets exist, most markets use currency or some other form of money.
sumber:wikipedia
Wetherby town’s market.
C. B. Macpherson identifies an underlying model of the market underlying Anglo-American liberal-democratic political economy and philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: Persons are cast as self-interested individuals, who enter into contractual relations with other such individuals, concerning the exchange of goods or personal capacities cast as commodities, with the motive of maximizing pecuniary interest. The state and its governance systems are cast as outside of this framework.[6] This model came to dominant economic thinking in the later nineteenth century, as economists such as Ricardo, Mill, Jevons, Walras and later neo-classical economics shifted from reference to geographically located marketplaces to an abstract "market".[7] This tradition is continued in contemporary neoliberalism, where the market is held up as optimal for wealth creation and human freedom, and the states’ role imagined as minimal, reduced to that of upholding and keeping stable property rights, contract, and money supply. This allowed for boilerplate economic and institutional restructuring under structural adjustment and post-Communist reconstruction.[8]
Similar formalism occurs in a wide variety of social democratic and Marxist discourses that situate political action as antagonistic to the market. In particular, commodification theorists such as Georg Lukács insist that market relations necessarily lead to undue exploitation of labour and so need to be opposed in toto.[9] Pierre Bourdieu has suggested the market model is becoming self-realizing, in virtue of its wide acceptance in national and international institutions through the 1990s.[10] The formalist conception faces a number of insuperable difficulties, concerning the putatively global scope of the market to cover the entire Earth, in terms of penetration of particular economies, and in terms of whether particular claims about the subjects (individuals with pecuniary interest), objects (commodities), and modes of exchange (transactions) apply to any actually existing markets.
A central theme of empirical analyses is the variation and proliferation of types of markets since the rise of capitalism and global scale economies. The Regulation School stresses the ways in which developed capitalist countries have implemented varying degrees and types of environmental, economic, and social regulation, taxation and public spending, fiscal policy and government provisioning of goods, all of which have transformed markets in uneven and geographical varied ways and created a variety of mixed economies. Drawing on concepts of institutional variance and path dependency, varieties of capitalism theorists (such as Hall and Soskice) identify two dominant modes of economic ordering in the developed capitalist countries, "coordinated market economies" such as Germany and Japan, and an Anglo-American "liberal market economies". However, such approaches imply that the Anglo-American liberal market economies in fact operate in a matter close to the abstract notion of "the market". While Anglo-American countries have seen increasing introduction of neo-liberal forms of economic ordering, this has not lead to simple convergence, but rather a variety of hybrid institutional orderings.[11] Rather, a variety of new markets have emerged, such as for carbon trading or rights to pollute. In some cases, such as emerging markets for water, different forms of privatization of different aspects of previously state run infrastructure have created hybrid private-public formations and graded degrees of commodification, commercialization and privatization.[12]
Problematic for market formalism is the relationship between formal capitalist economic processes and a variety of alternative forms, ranging from semi-feudal and peasant economies widely operative in many developing economies, to informal markets, barter systems, worker cooperatives, or illegal trades that occur in most developed countries. Practices of incorporation of non-Western peoples into global markets in the nineteenth and twentieth century did not merely result in the quashing of former social economic institutions. Rather, various modes of articulation arose between transformed and hybridized local traditions and social practices and the emergence world economy. So called capitalist markets in fact include and depend on a wide range of geographically situated economic practices that do not follow the market model. Economies are thus hybrids of market and non-market elements.[13]
Helpful here is J. K. Gibson-Graham’s complex topology of the diversity of contemporary market economies describing different types of transactions, labour, and economic agents. Transactions can occur in underground markets (such as for marijuana) or be artificially protected (such as for patents). They can cover the sale of public goods under privatization schemes to co-operative exchanges and occur under varying degrees of monopoly power and state regulation. Likewise, there are a wide variety of economic agents, which engage in different types of transactions on different terms: One cannot assume the practices of a religious kindergarten, multinational corporation, state enterprise, or community-based cooperative can be subsumed under the same logic of calculability (pp. 53–78). This emphasis on proliferation can also be contrasted with continuing scholarly attempts to show underlying cohesive and structural similarities to different markets.[14]
A prominent entry point for challenging the market model's applicability concerns exchange transactions and the homo economicus assumption of self-interest maximization. There are now a number of streams of economic sociological analysis of markets focusing on the role of the social in transactions, and the ways transactions involve social networks and relations of trust, cooperation and other bonds.[14] Economic geographers in turn draw attention to the ways in exchange transactions occur against the backdrop of institutional, social and geographic processes, including class relations, uneven development, and historically contingent path dependencies.[15] A useful schema is provided by Michel Callon's concept of framing: Each economic act or transaction occurs against, incorporates and also re-performs a geographically and cultural specific complex of social histories, institutional arrangements, rules and connections. These network relations are simultaneously bracketed, so that persons and transactions may be disentangled from thick social bonds. The character of calculability is imposed upon agents as they come to work in markets and are "formatted" as calculative agencies. Market exchanges contain a history of struggle and contestation that produced actors predisposed to exchange under certain sets of rules. As such market transactions can never be disembedded from social and geographic relations and there is no sense to talking of degrees of embeddedness and disembeddeness.[16]
An emerging theme worthy of further study is the interrelationship, interpenetrability and variations of concepts of persons, commodities, and modes of exchange under particular market formations. This is most pronounced in recent movement towards post-structuralist theorizing that draws on Foucault and Actor Network Theory and stress relational aspects of personhood, and dependence and integration into networks and practical systems. Commodity network approaches further both deconstruct and show alternatives to the market models concept of commodities. Here, both researchers and market actors are understood as reframing commodities in terms of processes and social and ecological relationships. Rather than a mere objectification of things traded, the complex network relationships of exchange in different markets calls on agents to alternatively deconstruct or “get with” the fetish of commodities.[17] Gibson-Graham thus read a variety of alternative markets, for fair trade and organic foods, or those using Local Exchange Trading Systems as not only contributing to proliferation, but also forging new modes of ethical exchange and economic subjectivities.
Most markets are regulated by state wide laws and regulations. While barter markets exist, most markets use currency or some other form of money.
sumber:wikipedia
Kamis, 07 Oktober 2010
market
Market
In essence, the market is a meeting place for producers and consumers or sellers and buyers. There are 2 kinds of markets based on its type and is not foreign to our society, the first, traditional markets, is a meeting place for sellers and buyers and sellers are marked with the transaction the buyer directly and there is usually a process of bargaining, and usually the existing building market still the traditional form of kiosk or shop, and overhang or street hawkers who opened by the seller or a manager of the market itself. Usually traditional market sells daily necessities such as food ingredients in the form of fish, fruit, vegetables, eggs, various meats, clothing or nine basic purposes and electronic goods, and services offered. In addition, some are selling cakes and stuff it takes others. Market tradisionalseperti market is still commonly found in Indonesia, and are generally located near residential areas to facilitate buyers to shop. Some traditional markets that include market Beringharjo in Yogyakarta, and in munjul munjul market, as well as some other famous traditional markets.
. And second, modern markets, modern market is not too much different from traditional markets, but the market sellers and buyers of this type are not directly bertransakasi but buyers see the price tag listed in the goods or the familiar called a barcode, is in the building and its service is done own so-called self-service or served by a salesman. The goods are sold, other food ingredients like food, fruits, vegetables, meat, most of the other items sold are items that can last a long time, such as canned food that can last up to a matter of years. An example of a modern market itself is a supermarket, supermarkets, and mini that the number of units from the market more traditional markets.
In essence, the market is a meeting place for producers and consumers or sellers and buyers. There are 2 kinds of markets based on its type and is not foreign to our society, the first, traditional markets, is a meeting place for sellers and buyers and sellers are marked with the transaction the buyer directly and there is usually a process of bargaining, and usually the existing building market still the traditional form of kiosk or shop, and overhang or street hawkers who opened by the seller or a manager of the market itself. Usually traditional market sells daily necessities such as food ingredients in the form of fish, fruit, vegetables, eggs, various meats, clothing or nine basic purposes and electronic goods, and services offered. In addition, some are selling cakes and stuff it takes others. Market tradisionalseperti market is still commonly found in Indonesia, and are generally located near residential areas to facilitate buyers to shop. Some traditional markets that include market Beringharjo in Yogyakarta, and in munjul munjul market, as well as some other famous traditional markets.
. And second, modern markets, modern market is not too much different from traditional markets, but the market sellers and buyers of this type are not directly bertransakasi but buyers see the price tag listed in the goods or the familiar called a barcode, is in the building and its service is done own so-called self-service or served by a salesman. The goods are sold, other food ingredients like food, fruits, vegetables, meat, most of the other items sold are items that can last a long time, such as canned food that can last up to a matter of years. An example of a modern market itself is a supermarket, supermarkets, and mini that the number of units from the market more traditional markets.
Selasa, 01 Juni 2010
cerpen
Brakk!!…
Pintu terbuka dengan keras. Sepi. Tak ada siapa-siapa di dalam. Pasti, sebab, penghuni lain sibuk dengan aktivitas di tempat kerja masing-masing. Termasuk dia, kalau saja dia tidak teringat satu hal. Sungguh dia menyesal kenapa tidak menuruti nasihat orang-orang di sekitarnya. Ah, seandainya aku memasang alarm di ponselku. Seandainya aku menuliskan di papan. Seandainya aku…
Oh, mengapa aku mesti menjadi orang pelupa? Bukankah aku masih muda? Apa memang memori otakku terbatas? Aku ingat, otak punya memori yang sangat besar. Setidaknya, aku masih ingat beberapa hal yang aku lakukan di waktu kecil. Artinya, aku masih mampu merekam dengan baik kejadian 15 tahun lalu. Bukankah itu hebat. Tapi, mengapa aku lupa dengan semua tugas yang baru diberikan seminggu lalu? Orang bilang semua itu karena keteledoranku. Benarkah aku teledor?
Brak!!…
Nasib pintu kamar pun tak berbeda dengan pintu ruang depan. Terbuka dengan dorongan keras dan kasar, membuyarkan dialog yang berlangsung antara otak dan hatinya. Dengan napas memburu, tangannya mengobrak-abrik meja kayu penuh tumpukan kertas dan buku. Dia tak peduli dengan buku dan kertas yang barjatuhan akibat ulah kasarnya. Sesekali, matanya melirik jam di dinding kamar. Detik-detiknya terus berjalan, berputar mendorong menit demi menit terlewati. Detak jantungnya seolah ingin mengejar setiap detik yang terlewat cepat. Setiap detik yang selalu menambahkan butiran keringat di dahinya.
“Ah…! Akhirnya ketemu juga.” Desisnya sedikit lega. Sedikit, sebab, waktu yang dimiliki tidak banyak. Disekanya keringat yang semakin berkilat di kening untuk mengurangi kegugupan yang terlalu lama menemani. Dipandanginya tulisan di kertas yang sedang dipegangnya. Terbayang di kertas itu seorang dosen killer berkumis lebat dengan sorot mata tajam ingin menelannya bulat-bulat. Siapa yang mau berurusan dengan dia lagi? Mengumpulkan tugas tepat waktu saja masih mendapat omelan dan sanksi kalau penulisannya tidak sesuai dengan keinginannya. Apalagi kalau telat mengumpulkan? Dan, aku? Dani mencoba mengingat-ingat. Selalu telat mengumpulkan tugas. Alasannya pun bisa ditebak oleh semua orang. LUPA!
“Oh, Tuhan!” dia menepuk jidat dengan keras. Dia segera tersadar dengan masalah yang menerornya. “Bukankah semua jawaban ini ada di buku Statistika. Dan, bukuku… di mana bukuku??”
Dia empaskan pantatnya di kasur. Kedua tangan pucat itu meremas-remas rambutnya dengan kuat. “Sialan si Roni!” kutuknya kesal. Dengan gusar dia menekan keypad ponsel. Mulutnya mengerucut, dahinya berkerut. Mendengarkan nada ponsel yang hanya berbunyi tut..tut…, Dicobanya sekali lagi.
Tuu…ut. Tuu..ut. Tuu..ut. “Halo!? Eh, Dani. Ke mana pula kau, kok nggak nongol di kampus? Kita lagi…” Tak sempat suara di sebrang meneruskan kalimatnya.
“Heh! Mana buku statistiknya! Pinjem buku jangan ngawur dong! Masak yang punya belum ngerjain tugas, masih belom dibalikin. Aku tunggu di rumah sekarang! Bawa buku statistik itu!”
“Hei..! Hei..! Kapan pula aku pinjam bukumu, hah?! Melihatnya pun aku tak pernah!”
“Kapan kau bilang? Siapa yang merengek-rengek minggu lalu setelah kuliah statistik berakhir? Siapa? Emang kucing?!”
“Benar-benar payah kau Dan! Rupanya, kau semakin tua hingga penyakit lupamu kian parah. Ingat-ingatlah yang bener! Atau, jangan-jangan sudah saatnya kau masuk RSJ, biar sembuh. Ha ha ha… !” Klik! Sambungan diputus.
Dani memandingi ponselnya kesal. Dipencetnya sekali lagi nomor Roni.
Maaf, nomor yang Anda hubungi sedang… Klik! Ponsel terlempar di atas bantal. Dia rebahkan badannya. Hatinya melemparkan ratusan kutukan untuk Roni. Dani duduk di tepi dipan. Menatap meja belajarnya yang tak pernah rapi. Kertas-kertas berserakan memenuhi meja. Buku-buku tak lagi berdiri tegak karena buku di bagian tengah deretan diambil Dani. Dia pun membiarkan buku-buku di sebelahnya ambruk. Sebagian buku itu tampak hampir tidur tertumpuk buku lain di sebelah kirinya. Pasti buku yang seharusnya mengisi dan menyangga buku di sebelah kiri sangat tebal. Oh! Bukankah buku paling tebal miliknya hanya satu! Ya, hanya satu! Dan….
Aha…! Aku ingat sekarang. Aku baru mengambilnya dua hari lalu. Yaitu, ketika akan mengerjakan tugas, namun gagal karena diminta Ayah untuk menemani ibu belanja. Lalu… Lalu… Aaahh! Kepalan tangannya meninju telapak tangan kiri dengan gemas.
Dani mencoba mengingat siluet kejadian demi kejadian. Buntu! Dia lupa di mana meletakkan buku statistiknya. Kembali dia menatap jam dinding. Tak ada pilihan. Aku harus mengerjakannya sekarang meski tanpa buku statistik itu.
Dengan gontai dia menuju meja belajar. Sedikit malas, tangannya mengumpulkan kertas yang memenuhi meja. Kertas-kertas terkumpul dan dipindahkan ke lantai pojok kamar. Dipandanginya meja yang kini bebas dari kertas. Ada perasaan nyaman. Namun, ada sesuatu yang dirasa masih kurang. Yah, mejanya belum bersih benar. Ada beberapa kertas yang terjepit antara tepi meja dengan dinding. Dani mencoba menarik beberapa kertas. Tapi, terasa sangat sulit. Dani menarik meja agar menjauh dari tembok.
Brak!!.. Sebuah benda terjatuh dengan berat. Kepala Dani melongok ke bawah meja. “Yess!!.. akhirnya kutemukan buruanku.”
****
Suasana kampus agak lengang dari biasanya. Begitu juga kantin. Dani menyeruput juice avokad yang menjadi kesukaan. Tak banyak anak berkeliaran. Ditatapnya jam yang tergantung di dinding kantin. Masih ada seperempat jam untuk menyegarkan hari dengan segelas juice dan semilir angin yang menerobos kantin pelan-pelan.
“Di sini rupanya kau, Dan.” Sebuah tepukan keras dirasakan pundak kanan Dani. Sebenarnya tanpa menoleh pun, Dani tahu siapa yang sedang berbicara. Siapa tak kenal logat batak yang medok itu?
“Lo sendiri?”
“Bah! Aku? Tentulah aku mau pulang. Buat apa panas-panas begini berlama-lama di kampus?”
Mulut Dani melepas sedotannya perlahan.
“Pulang?”
Laki- laki di depannya mengangguk mantap.
“Trus, tugas statitiskmu?”
“Tugas statistik?” Roni berpikir sejenak. Tak lama kemudian, meledaklah tawanya.
“Ha…ha…haaa…” Buru-buru mulutnya bungkam ketika beberapa pasang mata menatapnya. Atau, lebih tepat melotot ke arahnya.
“Dan…Dan… tahulah aku sekarang kenapa tak masuk kuliah kau tadi. Itu juga yang membuatmu marah-marah padaku, kan?” Roni mendekatkan wajahnya yang penuh jerawat batu ke wajah Dani. Kemudian, punggung tangannya ditempelkan ke kening Dani.
“Hmm… Rupanya, kau benar-benar harus ke RSJ,” ucapnya pelan. “Ingatanmu semakin payah.”
“Eh, apa-apaan lo? Aku bicara soal statistik, bukan masalah penyakit lupaku! Dasar bloon!”
“Ya, ya. Kau tunggu saja sampai mabok, takkan pernah Pak Naryo datang menemuimu.”
“Maksudnya?”
“Karena memang tugas statistik itu baru dikumpulkan minggu depan. Karena hari ini Pak Naryo masih di luar negeri. Bukankah itu yang disampaikan sebelum kuliah statistik berakhir minggu lalu. Begitu mudahnya kau melupakan itu teman?”
“Jadi?”
“Jadi, sebaiknya pergilah kau segera ke dokter jiwa. Ha…haa.. ha..”
Roni pun berlalu meninggalkan Dani bersama juice avokadnya.
Pintu terbuka dengan keras. Sepi. Tak ada siapa-siapa di dalam. Pasti, sebab, penghuni lain sibuk dengan aktivitas di tempat kerja masing-masing. Termasuk dia, kalau saja dia tidak teringat satu hal. Sungguh dia menyesal kenapa tidak menuruti nasihat orang-orang di sekitarnya. Ah, seandainya aku memasang alarm di ponselku. Seandainya aku menuliskan di papan. Seandainya aku…
Oh, mengapa aku mesti menjadi orang pelupa? Bukankah aku masih muda? Apa memang memori otakku terbatas? Aku ingat, otak punya memori yang sangat besar. Setidaknya, aku masih ingat beberapa hal yang aku lakukan di waktu kecil. Artinya, aku masih mampu merekam dengan baik kejadian 15 tahun lalu. Bukankah itu hebat. Tapi, mengapa aku lupa dengan semua tugas yang baru diberikan seminggu lalu? Orang bilang semua itu karena keteledoranku. Benarkah aku teledor?
Brak!!…
Nasib pintu kamar pun tak berbeda dengan pintu ruang depan. Terbuka dengan dorongan keras dan kasar, membuyarkan dialog yang berlangsung antara otak dan hatinya. Dengan napas memburu, tangannya mengobrak-abrik meja kayu penuh tumpukan kertas dan buku. Dia tak peduli dengan buku dan kertas yang barjatuhan akibat ulah kasarnya. Sesekali, matanya melirik jam di dinding kamar. Detik-detiknya terus berjalan, berputar mendorong menit demi menit terlewati. Detak jantungnya seolah ingin mengejar setiap detik yang terlewat cepat. Setiap detik yang selalu menambahkan butiran keringat di dahinya.
“Ah…! Akhirnya ketemu juga.” Desisnya sedikit lega. Sedikit, sebab, waktu yang dimiliki tidak banyak. Disekanya keringat yang semakin berkilat di kening untuk mengurangi kegugupan yang terlalu lama menemani. Dipandanginya tulisan di kertas yang sedang dipegangnya. Terbayang di kertas itu seorang dosen killer berkumis lebat dengan sorot mata tajam ingin menelannya bulat-bulat. Siapa yang mau berurusan dengan dia lagi? Mengumpulkan tugas tepat waktu saja masih mendapat omelan dan sanksi kalau penulisannya tidak sesuai dengan keinginannya. Apalagi kalau telat mengumpulkan? Dan, aku? Dani mencoba mengingat-ingat. Selalu telat mengumpulkan tugas. Alasannya pun bisa ditebak oleh semua orang. LUPA!
“Oh, Tuhan!” dia menepuk jidat dengan keras. Dia segera tersadar dengan masalah yang menerornya. “Bukankah semua jawaban ini ada di buku Statistika. Dan, bukuku… di mana bukuku??”
Dia empaskan pantatnya di kasur. Kedua tangan pucat itu meremas-remas rambutnya dengan kuat. “Sialan si Roni!” kutuknya kesal. Dengan gusar dia menekan keypad ponsel. Mulutnya mengerucut, dahinya berkerut. Mendengarkan nada ponsel yang hanya berbunyi tut..tut…, Dicobanya sekali lagi.
Tuu…ut. Tuu..ut. Tuu..ut. “Halo!? Eh, Dani. Ke mana pula kau, kok nggak nongol di kampus? Kita lagi…” Tak sempat suara di sebrang meneruskan kalimatnya.
“Heh! Mana buku statistiknya! Pinjem buku jangan ngawur dong! Masak yang punya belum ngerjain tugas, masih belom dibalikin. Aku tunggu di rumah sekarang! Bawa buku statistik itu!”
“Hei..! Hei..! Kapan pula aku pinjam bukumu, hah?! Melihatnya pun aku tak pernah!”
“Kapan kau bilang? Siapa yang merengek-rengek minggu lalu setelah kuliah statistik berakhir? Siapa? Emang kucing?!”
“Benar-benar payah kau Dan! Rupanya, kau semakin tua hingga penyakit lupamu kian parah. Ingat-ingatlah yang bener! Atau, jangan-jangan sudah saatnya kau masuk RSJ, biar sembuh. Ha ha ha… !” Klik! Sambungan diputus.
Dani memandingi ponselnya kesal. Dipencetnya sekali lagi nomor Roni.
Maaf, nomor yang Anda hubungi sedang… Klik! Ponsel terlempar di atas bantal. Dia rebahkan badannya. Hatinya melemparkan ratusan kutukan untuk Roni. Dani duduk di tepi dipan. Menatap meja belajarnya yang tak pernah rapi. Kertas-kertas berserakan memenuhi meja. Buku-buku tak lagi berdiri tegak karena buku di bagian tengah deretan diambil Dani. Dia pun membiarkan buku-buku di sebelahnya ambruk. Sebagian buku itu tampak hampir tidur tertumpuk buku lain di sebelah kirinya. Pasti buku yang seharusnya mengisi dan menyangga buku di sebelah kiri sangat tebal. Oh! Bukankah buku paling tebal miliknya hanya satu! Ya, hanya satu! Dan….
Aha…! Aku ingat sekarang. Aku baru mengambilnya dua hari lalu. Yaitu, ketika akan mengerjakan tugas, namun gagal karena diminta Ayah untuk menemani ibu belanja. Lalu… Lalu… Aaahh! Kepalan tangannya meninju telapak tangan kiri dengan gemas.
Dani mencoba mengingat siluet kejadian demi kejadian. Buntu! Dia lupa di mana meletakkan buku statistiknya. Kembali dia menatap jam dinding. Tak ada pilihan. Aku harus mengerjakannya sekarang meski tanpa buku statistik itu.
Dengan gontai dia menuju meja belajar. Sedikit malas, tangannya mengumpulkan kertas yang memenuhi meja. Kertas-kertas terkumpul dan dipindahkan ke lantai pojok kamar. Dipandanginya meja yang kini bebas dari kertas. Ada perasaan nyaman. Namun, ada sesuatu yang dirasa masih kurang. Yah, mejanya belum bersih benar. Ada beberapa kertas yang terjepit antara tepi meja dengan dinding. Dani mencoba menarik beberapa kertas. Tapi, terasa sangat sulit. Dani menarik meja agar menjauh dari tembok.
Brak!!.. Sebuah benda terjatuh dengan berat. Kepala Dani melongok ke bawah meja. “Yess!!.. akhirnya kutemukan buruanku.”
****
Suasana kampus agak lengang dari biasanya. Begitu juga kantin. Dani menyeruput juice avokad yang menjadi kesukaan. Tak banyak anak berkeliaran. Ditatapnya jam yang tergantung di dinding kantin. Masih ada seperempat jam untuk menyegarkan hari dengan segelas juice dan semilir angin yang menerobos kantin pelan-pelan.
“Di sini rupanya kau, Dan.” Sebuah tepukan keras dirasakan pundak kanan Dani. Sebenarnya tanpa menoleh pun, Dani tahu siapa yang sedang berbicara. Siapa tak kenal logat batak yang medok itu?
“Lo sendiri?”
“Bah! Aku? Tentulah aku mau pulang. Buat apa panas-panas begini berlama-lama di kampus?”
Mulut Dani melepas sedotannya perlahan.
“Pulang?”
Laki- laki di depannya mengangguk mantap.
“Trus, tugas statitiskmu?”
“Tugas statistik?” Roni berpikir sejenak. Tak lama kemudian, meledaklah tawanya.
“Ha…ha…haaa…” Buru-buru mulutnya bungkam ketika beberapa pasang mata menatapnya. Atau, lebih tepat melotot ke arahnya.
“Dan…Dan… tahulah aku sekarang kenapa tak masuk kuliah kau tadi. Itu juga yang membuatmu marah-marah padaku, kan?” Roni mendekatkan wajahnya yang penuh jerawat batu ke wajah Dani. Kemudian, punggung tangannya ditempelkan ke kening Dani.
“Hmm… Rupanya, kau benar-benar harus ke RSJ,” ucapnya pelan. “Ingatanmu semakin payah.”
“Eh, apa-apaan lo? Aku bicara soal statistik, bukan masalah penyakit lupaku! Dasar bloon!”
“Ya, ya. Kau tunggu saja sampai mabok, takkan pernah Pak Naryo datang menemuimu.”
“Maksudnya?”
“Karena memang tugas statistik itu baru dikumpulkan minggu depan. Karena hari ini Pak Naryo masih di luar negeri. Bukankah itu yang disampaikan sebelum kuliah statistik berakhir minggu lalu. Begitu mudahnya kau melupakan itu teman?”
“Jadi?”
“Jadi, sebaiknya pergilah kau segera ke dokter jiwa. Ha…haa.. ha..”
Roni pun berlalu meninggalkan Dani bersama juice avokadnya.
Cermin seekor Burung
Ketika musim kemarau baru saja mulai. Seekor burung pipit mulai merasakan tubuhnya kepanasan, lalu mengumpat pada lingkungan yang dituduhnya tidak bersahabat. Dia lalu memutuskan untuk meninggalkan tempat yang sejak dahulu menjadi habitatnya, terbang jauh ke utara, mencari udara yang selalu dingin dan sejuk.
Benar, pelan pelan dia merasakan kesejukan udara, makin ke utara makin sejuk, dia semakin bersemangat memacu terbangnya lebih ke utara lagi.
Terbawa oleh nafsu, dia tak merasakan sayapnya yang mulai tertempel salju, makin lama makin tebal, dan akhirnya dia jatuh ke tanah karena tubuhnya terbungkus salju.
Sampai ke tanah, salju yang menempel di sayapnya justru bertambah tebal. Si burung pipit tak mampu berbuat apa apa, menyangka bahwa riwayatnya telah tamat.
Dia merintih menyesali nasibnya. Mendengar suara rintihan, seekor kerbau yang kebetulan lewat menghampirinya. Namun si burung kecewa mengapa yang datang hanya seekor kerbau. Dia menghardik si kerbau agar menjauh dan mengatakan bahwa makhluk yang tolol tak mungkin mampu berbuat sesuatu untuk menolongnya.
Si kerbau tidak banyak bicara, dia hanya berdiri, kemudian kencing tepat di atas burung tersebut. Si burung pipit semakin marah dan memaki maki si kerbau. Lagi-lagi si kerbau tidak bicara, dia maju satu langkah lagi, dan mengeluarkan kotoran ke atas tubuh si burung. Seketika itu si burung tidak dapat bicara karena tertimbun kotoran kerbau. Si Burung mengira lagi bahwa mati tak bisa bernapas.
Namun perlahan lahan, dia merasakan kehangatan, salju yang membeku pada bulunya pelan-pelan meleleh oleh hangatnya tahi kerbau, dia dapat bernapas lega dan melihat kembali langit yang cerah. Si burung pipit berteriak kegirangan, bernyanyi keras sepuas puasnya.
Mendengar ada suara burung bernyanyi, seekor anak kucing menghampiri sumber suara, mengulurkan tangannya, mengais tubuh si burung dan kemudian menimang nimang, menjilati, mengelus dan membersihkan sisa-sisa salju yang masih menempel pada bulu si burung. Begitu bulunya bersih, si burung bernyanyi dan menari kegirangan, dia mengira telah mendapatkan teman yang ramah dan baik hati.
Namun apa yang terjadi kemudian, seketika itu juga dunia terasa gelap gulita bagi si burung, dan tamatlah riwayat si burung pipit ditelan oleh si kucing.
Hmm… tak sulit untuk menarik garis terang dari kisah ini, sesuatu yang acap terjadi dalam kehidupan kita: halaman tetangga tampak selalu lebih hijau; penampilan acap menjadi ukuran; yang buruk acap dianggap bencana dan tak melihat hikmah yang bermain di sebaliknya; dan merasa bangga dengan nikmat yang sekejap. Burung pipit itu adalah cermin yang memantulkan wajah kita
Benar, pelan pelan dia merasakan kesejukan udara, makin ke utara makin sejuk, dia semakin bersemangat memacu terbangnya lebih ke utara lagi.
Terbawa oleh nafsu, dia tak merasakan sayapnya yang mulai tertempel salju, makin lama makin tebal, dan akhirnya dia jatuh ke tanah karena tubuhnya terbungkus salju.
Sampai ke tanah, salju yang menempel di sayapnya justru bertambah tebal. Si burung pipit tak mampu berbuat apa apa, menyangka bahwa riwayatnya telah tamat.
Dia merintih menyesali nasibnya. Mendengar suara rintihan, seekor kerbau yang kebetulan lewat menghampirinya. Namun si burung kecewa mengapa yang datang hanya seekor kerbau. Dia menghardik si kerbau agar menjauh dan mengatakan bahwa makhluk yang tolol tak mungkin mampu berbuat sesuatu untuk menolongnya.
Si kerbau tidak banyak bicara, dia hanya berdiri, kemudian kencing tepat di atas burung tersebut. Si burung pipit semakin marah dan memaki maki si kerbau. Lagi-lagi si kerbau tidak bicara, dia maju satu langkah lagi, dan mengeluarkan kotoran ke atas tubuh si burung. Seketika itu si burung tidak dapat bicara karena tertimbun kotoran kerbau. Si Burung mengira lagi bahwa mati tak bisa bernapas.
Namun perlahan lahan, dia merasakan kehangatan, salju yang membeku pada bulunya pelan-pelan meleleh oleh hangatnya tahi kerbau, dia dapat bernapas lega dan melihat kembali langit yang cerah. Si burung pipit berteriak kegirangan, bernyanyi keras sepuas puasnya.
Mendengar ada suara burung bernyanyi, seekor anak kucing menghampiri sumber suara, mengulurkan tangannya, mengais tubuh si burung dan kemudian menimang nimang, menjilati, mengelus dan membersihkan sisa-sisa salju yang masih menempel pada bulu si burung. Begitu bulunya bersih, si burung bernyanyi dan menari kegirangan, dia mengira telah mendapatkan teman yang ramah dan baik hati.
Namun apa yang terjadi kemudian, seketika itu juga dunia terasa gelap gulita bagi si burung, dan tamatlah riwayat si burung pipit ditelan oleh si kucing.
Hmm… tak sulit untuk menarik garis terang dari kisah ini, sesuatu yang acap terjadi dalam kehidupan kita: halaman tetangga tampak selalu lebih hijau; penampilan acap menjadi ukuran; yang buruk acap dianggap bencana dan tak melihat hikmah yang bermain di sebaliknya; dan merasa bangga dengan nikmat yang sekejap. Burung pipit itu adalah cermin yang memantulkan wajah kita
Senin, 01 Maret 2010
kedudukan & fungsi bhasa indonesia
Dari sudut pandang linguistika, Bahasa Indonesia adalah suatu varian bahasa Melayu. Dasar yang dipakai adalah bahasa Melayu Riau dari abad ke-19, namun mengalami perkembangan akibat penggunaanya sebagai bahasa kerja dan proses pembakuan di awal abad ke-20. Hingga saat ini, Bahasa Indonesia merupakan bahasa yang hidup, yang terus menghasilkan kata-kata baru, baik melalui penciptaan, maupun penyerapan dari bahasa daerah dan bahasa asing.
Meskipun saat ini dipahami oleh lebih dari 90% warga Indonesia, Bahasa Indonesia tidak menduduki posisi sebagai bahasa ibu bagi mayoritas penduduknya. Sebagian besar warga Indonesia berbahasa daerah sebagai bahasa ibu. Penutur Bahasa Indonesia kerap kali menggunakan versi sehari-hari (kolokial) dan/atau mencampuradukkan dengan dialek Melayu lainnya atau bahasa ibunya. Namun demikian, Bahasa Indonesia digunakan sangat luas di perguruan-perguruan, di surat kabar, media elektronika, perangkat lunak, surat-menyurat resmi, dan berbagai forum publik lainnya,[3] sehingga dapatlah dikatakan bahwa Bahasa Indonesia digunakan oleh semua warga Indonesia.
Sejarah bahasa Indonesia;
Bahasa indonesia adalah dialek kaku dari bahasa Melayu Klasik dan bahasa Melayu Kuno. Secara sosiologis, bolehlah kita katakan bahwa bahasa Indonesia baru dianggap “lahir” atau diterima keberadaannya pada tanggal 28 Oktober 1928 atas usulan Mohammad Yamin. Secara yuridis, baru tanggal 18 Agustus 1945 bahasa Indonesia secara resmi diakui keberadaannya.tepatnya pada saat hari Kemerdekaan
Bahasa Indonesia menggunakan dua jenis kata ganti orang pertama jamak, yaitu “kami” dan “kita”. “Kami” adalah kata ganti eksklusif yang berarti tidak termasuk sang lawan bicara, sedangkan “kita” adalah kata ganti inklusif yang berarti kelompok orang yang disebut termasuk lawan bicaranya.
Susunan kata dasar adalah Subjek – Predikat – Objek-Keterangan (SPOK), walaupun susunan kata lain juga mungkin. Kata kerja tidak di bahasa berinfleksikan kepada orang atau jumlah subjek dan objek. Bahasa Indonesia juga tidak mengenal kala/waktu (tense). Waktu dinyatakan dengan menambahkan kata keterangan waktu (seperti, “kemarin” atau “besok”), atau indikator lain seperti “sudah” atau “belum”.Dan Bahasa Indonesia di atur dalam UUD 1945 pada pasal 36 yaitu “Bahasa Negara ialah Bahasa Indonesia”.
Berdasarkan fungsinya bahasa Indonesia dibagi menjadi 5 fungsi;
1. Ekspresif
Contohnya;mampu menggungkapkan gambaran,maksud ,gagasan, dan perasaan.
2. Komunikasi
Contohnya; sebagai alat berinteraksi atau hubungan antara dua manusia dan sehingga pesan yang dikmaksudkan dapat dimengerti.
3. Kontrol sosial
contohnya; tulisan “dilarang merokok” bahasa tersebut berfungsi sebagai pengatur atau pengontrol
4. Adaptasi
Contohnya;bila kita berada di wilayah atau daerah yang asing atau diluar ibu kota, kita dapat menggunakan bahasa Indonesia tersebut sebagai alat untuk adaptasi dengan lingkungan baru tersebut.
5. Integrasi/pemersatu
Contohnya;bahasa-bahasa yang berbeda atau beraneka ragam dan dipersatukan oleh bahasa Nasional yang dapat dipakai di seluruh Indonesia yang menjadi satu kesatuan yang utuh dan bulat.
Kedudukan bahasa Indonesia sebagai bahasa Nasional di ikrarkan pada 28 oktober 1928 yaitu hari “Sumpah Pemuda” yang memilki fungsi-fungsi sebagai:
1. Lambang identitas Nasional.
2. Lambang kebanggaan kebangsaan.
3. Bahasa indonesia sebagai alat komunikasi.
4. Alat pemersatu bangsa yang berbeda Suku,Agama,ras,adat istiadat dan Budaya.
Hasil perumusan seminar polotik bahasa Nasional yang diselenggarakan di jakarta pada tangal 25 s.d. 28 Februari 1975 dikemukakan berdasarkan Kedudukan bahasa Indonesia sebagai bahasa Negara adalah;
1. Sebagai bahasa resmi kenegaraan.
2. Sebagai alat pengantar dalam dunia pendidikan.
3. Sebagai penghubung pada tingkat Nasional untuk kepentingan perencanaan dan pelaksanaan pembangunan serta pemerintah, dan
4. Sebagai pengembangan kebudayaan Nasion
sumber:
http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahasa_Indonesia
Langganan:
Komentar (Atom)
